Category Archives: Corbyn, Jeremy

Dangerous populism of May and Corbyn

Dalrymple writes that the British socialist politicians Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn tout their policies as ones of fairness, equality and social justice, while Nigel Farage presents his policies as being in the name of democracy and national sovereignty. Yet it is only Farage who is branded ‘populist’. In fact, Dalrymple points out, the instincts which they all rely on are equally well able to serve sadistic purposes if extended far enough; economic egalitarianism has caused at least as many violent deaths as nationalism.

Waarom is meneer Corbyn geen populist terwijl meneer Farage een populist is? Het moet zijn, denk ik dan, dat zowel mevrouw May en meneer Corbyn hun beleid presenteren in de naam van eerlijkheid, gelijkheid en sociale rechtvaardigheid, terwijl meneer Farage zijn beleid presenteert in de naam van democratie en nationale soevereiniteit. Maar in feite zijn de instincten waarop ze allemaal een beroep doen net zo goed in staat om sadistische doelen te dienen indien ze ver genoeg worden doorgetrokken; economisch egalitarisme heeft minstens evenveel gewelddadige doden veroorzaakt dan extreem nationalisme.

Britain’s lumpenintelligentsia at play

The soul of modern British youth: half Jellyby, half Marie Antoinette

The Glastonbury Festival, writes Dalrymple,

is a mass gathering not of youthful idealists, but of moral and intellectual hybrids of Marie Antoinette and Mrs Jellyby.

The festival, Dalrymple explains, is

a large gathering of the British lumpenintelligentsia come to celebrate its appalling taste in music, in a place vaguely associated with druidism, the healing chakras of the earth, Hopi ear candles, that kind of thing: ideal for people who claim to be spiritual but not religious.

It often rains during the festival. Dalrymple comments:

Rain improves the behaviour of young British people: it discourages them from leaving their homes. (Rain is also almost the only prophylaxis nowadays in Britain against crime.)

This year at the festival, the lumpenintelligentsia

was addressed by Jeremy Corbyn. He enthused the massed ranks of youthful idealists by telling them that another world was possible. It was, for when they departed Glastonbury, they left behind them so much litter in this corner of rural England that it made a rubbish dump in Mexico City seem like Switzerland.

The Glastonbury mob contentedly wallowed in this rubbish

for days. Horrified by CO2 emissions and rising temperatures, they failed to notice what was about their very feet, and certainly did nothing about it. They slept contentedly among it, too exhausted by their idealism and labours of licentiousness to apply their minds to anything as lowly as the litter that they dropped, as cows defæcate in fields. It was for others to pick up their rubbish after them: that is what social justice required.

Dalrymple notes that among British youth,

mass concern for social justice and the fate of the planet is combined with indifference to immediate surroundings.

The lumpenintelligentsia also, Dalrymple points out,

plays at being prole, though never with the intention of remaining at the bottom rung of society for any length of time, let alone permanently (and certainly not economically).

British youth, says Dalrymple,

have gone further in self-proletarianisation than any other I know. In their imitation of the proles (which they think virtuous), they demonstrate how they really conceive of them: vulgar, dirty, coarse, and foulmouthed. Genuine proletarians are, or were, not at all like this—not en masse, not as the lumpenintelligentsia now is.

Though it operate from a minuscule base, the party can succeed

Coming across the above in Simon Leys’ 1996 essay ‘The Art of Reading Non-Existent Inscriptions Written in Invisible Ink on a Blank Page’, Dalrymple asks: ‘Does this passage call to mind anything in the current condition of Great Britain? Of course, analogies are never quite exact (which is why they are only analogies). Mr Corbyn is no Mao Tse-tung: he washes more regularly for one thing, and unlike Mao I doubt that he has the courage of his cruelty. It is going too far to call the British authorities brutal. Finally, I do not think that anyone who knew them would call British youth generous or idealistic. The mess left behind by British youth at Glastonbury after the festival should be enough to disillusion anyone on that score. And yet, all the same, the passage has a certain resonance. If we are not careful, we shall soon experience our own Great Leap Forward — into the abyss, of course, though more gently than the Chinese.’

Corbyn panders to the instincts of the mob

Britain, writes Dalrymple

is on a knife edge, and anti-rich demagoguery is on the upsurge.

Jeremy Corbyn

has suggested requisitioning property by fiat for reasons of social justice. Following the disastrous fire in Grenfell Tower, Corbyn proposed seizing the houses of wealthy foreigners (mostly Arabs and Russians).

Dalrymple points out that Corbyn’s policy

is to increase government spending enormously, while balancing the budget: this can only mean much higher taxation, and given his social views, this in turn can only mean taxation on the rich and even the modestly prosperous, both of whom he regards as milch cows. But unless he exercises explicit power to keep them where they are (which he would not be above attempting), they will flee, and take their capital. French exports of their rich will seem a trickle by comparison.

In Britain, says Dalrymple,

the degradation of the population has gone much further than in France. British culture, which has become one of crude and vulgar self-indulgence, is inimical to rapid improvement; and now, in addition, there has been a recrudescence of the notion that wealth derives from redistribution rather than from creation.

I weep for you

The leader of the opposition’s largeness of heart was, writes Dalrymple,

until quite recently demonstrated by his understanding for almost any terrorist so long as he was sufficiently anti-western or anti-British.

Yet Jeremy Corbyn

could hardly contain his emotion — once he knew the cameras were upon him — at the thought of the Finsbury Park attack. (His emotions seem to have been under better control after the Manchester bombing and the attacks in London.)

I hug the masses. I feel their pain

Competitive compassionate gesturing — and calls for taxpayers’ cash and property

The Grenfell Tower fire, writes Dalrymple,

could not have come at a better time for Jeremy Corbyn.

Dalrymple notes that while the Labour leader is

a natural hugger of potential voters, Theresa May is not. And what establishes the depths of a person’s compassion for victims more indisputably than a hug?

Corbyn, indeed,

senses that he is but a compassionate gesture or two away from occupying No.10.

Time for some good old Leninist expropriation

This Marxist says that he is angry at what happened, which he links to

what is known as fiscal austerity—that is, when government spends only 108% of tax revenue, instead of the much higher percentage that he favours.

Of course, Corbyn

skated over the part played by the public sector in the tragedy.

May: another mediocrity

It takes a certain gift, writes Dalrymple,

to combine cliché with error, but Theresa May — to judge by her speech to the Conservative party conference — appears to have it in full. In so far as the speech did not consist of the most hackneyed and empty phrases, it could have been delivered by any Labour leader before Jeremy Corbyn, and part of it even by Mr Corbyn himself.

May, says Dalymple,

wants, and I suspect is perfectly able, to turn Britain into a macrocosm of the giant official inquiry into sexual abuse that she set up when home secretary, which as we can see has been so very successful. To quote the kind of language Mrs May (among other politicians) employs, it delivers a lot of value — to the lawyers.

screen-shot-2016-10-10-at-20-40-09

The folly of underestimating Corbyn

screen-shot-2016-09-24-at-18-40-46It would be a mistake, writes Dalrymple, to conclude that Jeremy Corbyn, leader of the UK socialists, is unelectable. Talk of the demise of his Labour party

is premature: we heard it when Mrs Thatcher won her third election, and we heard of the death of the Tory party after Mr Blair’s third election victory.

Dalrymple points out that when things go badly,

people seek an alternative, even if by rational calculations the alternative is worse than the status quo.

If there were

a serious economic downturn or some other hardship that occurred under the present dispensation, people soon would look for another.

It is true that as things stand,

Mrs May would win hands down if there were an election tomorrow. But a day – an hour in the age of the social media – is a long time in politics.

Terribly, frighteningly sincere

Screen Shot 2015-10-26 at 09.00.03Who would have thought, writes Dalrymple,

that a ridiculous little house painter could have become the leader of the best-educated nation in Europe? Why, then, should an absurd, intellectually limited, puritanical ideologue not become Prime Minister of one of the most ill-educated nations in Europe?

Jeremy Corbyn’s landslide victory in the election for the leadership of Britain’s Labour party

shows how little the political class knows even of its own parties’ activist membership, let alone of the country as a whole.

If you dislike Hamas and Hezbollah, Corbyn

is not going to change his opinion or stance merely to canvass or capture your vote. He is sincere, terribly and frighteningly sincere.

He gets some things right, for example in the matter of High Speed 2, the railway to be built between London, Birmingham, Manchester and Leeds. This is

so patently an unnecessary, uneconomic, ecologically destructive, vastly expensive and regressive project (regressive in the tax sense, a subsidy both to the companies that will build it and to the passengers who will use it, for it will never pay for itself), that almost everyone suspects large-scale corruption.

Corbyn’s

ruling passion is political self-righteousness.

This is

refreshing in a way, for many people are tired of the patently ersatz or carefully crafted presentation of most other prominent politicians, who seem not to be able to utter a word or appear in public for a moment without having first sought the opinion of focus groups. The next election haunts them like a Doppelgänger, and mostly being of infirm principle or opinion, they live in a state of constant anxiety not to offend.

Corbyn is

  • a wearer of sandals
  • a supporter of Palestinian terrorists
  • a supporter of Irish republican terrorists
  • vegetarian
  • a teetotaller
  • pacifist (except where foreign terrorists are concerned)
  • an abolitionist (concerning the British monarchy)

He is not intrinsically unelectable.

It would take only a few disasters, whether the government was responsible for them or not, for the electorate to conclude that anything, even Mr Corbyn, was better than it. People tend to vote against rather than for someone. The resentment to which Mr Corbyn’s socialism appeals, already quite widespread, could spread yet further if there were a deepening of Britain’s economic problems.

Corbyn’s endearing nature

Prophet: Corbyn divined that the euro would mean 'the imposition of a bankers' Europe'

Prophet: Corbyn divined that the euro would mean ‘the imposition of a bankers’ Europe’

The UK government is planning High Speed 2, a rapid train between London and Birmingham (where Dalrymple lived and worked for many years) and beyond.

Dalrymple states that he is wholly in agreement with the British Labour party leader Jeremy Corbyn (with whom he took part in a lively debate on socialism at the Oxford Union) that HS2 — labelled by the rightly scornful Herpes Simplex 2 — is

patently an extravagantly expensive, destructive, unnecessary and corrupt project.

Corbyn, writes Dalrymple, possesses a

curious and in a way endearing integrity, at least by comparison with the ersatz quality of most prominent politicians.

Herpes Simplex 2

Herpes Simplex 2