Category Archives: Pakistanis

Howling mobs of nasty bearded fools

The threats of the bearded fools are, writes Dalrymple,

to be taken seriously. They do not recognise any legal authority but their own.

Europe’s death-wish

Dalrymple notes that in Western Europe today there are

large populations whose loyalty to, or even absence of hatred for, the host country cannot be assumed, and whose integration into that country’s society has been actively retarded and opposed by the doctrines of multiculturalism.

You have only to see, he says,

a group of men from the North-West Frontier gathering outside a Victorian terraced house in Bradford converted into a mosque, whose only obvious concession to Occidentalism is the wearing of Nike shoes and the possession of a mobile phone, to wonder what exactly they believe, think, and preach.

He points out that this population,

in the name of certain abstractions and shibboleths, is able constantly to replenish itself with new migrants, so that the need to integrate never arises: a huge ghetto, potentially hostile, is created that is self-sustaining.

Such a society

suffers from a death-wish, composed of an admixture of self-hatred and over-confidence that it is so unshakably strong that nothing can destroy or seriously undermine it.

The Gramscian Islamists

Allahu akbar!

Allahu akbar!

It would be simplistic, writes Dalrymple, to ascribe the violence of Muslim fundamentalists

to Islam itself, by citing those verses from the Koran that seem to justify or even require it. Selective quotation does not explain why extremism is the province of the young, and why, for example, the first generation of Muslim immigrants to Britain (and elsewhere) were not at all attracted to it.

Even in Islamic countries, fundamentalists

are not mediæval throwbacks, however they may see themselves. They derive their ideas, even if they do not acknowledge it, at least as much from Lenin, Gramsci, and Mao as from Mohammed. They claim to want to return to seventh-century Arabia, but this is no more realistic or sincere than the wish of Victorian admirers of the Gothic to return to the Middle Ages.

Most Muslims in Britain, Dalrymple points out, are of Pakistani origin.

They were encouraged to come to Britain largely as a source of cheap labour, to prop up declining industries that had not adapted to the modern economy. But no labour in Britain could ever be cheap enough, without technological superiority, to compete successfully with labour in much poorer and cheaper countries. Originally, the idea was that the imported labour would be shipped back home if ever it became surplus to requirements. The opposite happened: each immigrant established a beachhead for others.

The immigrants

tended to congregate in certain areas, and they often met with hostility. Their children, growing up in virtual ghettoes, were neither fully of the host country nor fully of their parents’ culture. They were betwixt and between, in effect left to develop their own culture. Insofar as they encountered the hostility of the surrounding society, they developed resentments.

The Muslims were not the only immigrants to Britain.

There were Sikhs and Hindus as well, who fared much better, on the whole: their rates of unemployment are much lower than Muslims’ (indeed, lower than their white contemporaries’); they are underrepresented in prison, unlike Muslims, who are increasingly overrepresented; and they never developed any propensity to violence.

Islamism

provides a utopian and violent ideology of the kind that appeals to disgruntled young men facing all of the existential difficulties of youth. Moreover, Islamic society provides young men with another incentive for Islamism: the maintenance of the domination of women.

The British government

promoted ‘leaders’ of the Muslims, thus giving a golden opportunity to fundamentalists to establish themselves as controllers of government funds and to establish networks of patronage. Not knowing what it was doing, the British government spread Islamic fundamentalism.

Multiculturalism

has been another unwitting ally of Muslim extremism. Multiculturalism has created an informal system, like the late Ottoman empire’s millet system, in which various groups receive their privileges but are expected to live separately and distinctly from everyone else. This serves to prevent the various groups from developing any common identity and stimulates the ascent of political entrepreneurs whose power depends on the maintenance, aggravation, and inflammation of supposed grievances. Islamists are political entrepreneurs with a plausible doctrinal reason for violence. They are now able to extract from society the kind of respect that street muggers demand, and multiculturalism has become the ideological wing of sheer cowardice.

Mosaics, kaleidoscopes, salad bowls

Pan with hamadryad, from Pompeii, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

No: Pan with hamadryad, from Pompeii. Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli

Bring back the melting pot

Doctrinal multiculturalism furnishes, writes Dalrymple,

  • a portion of the intelligentsia with an opportunity to exhibit its virtue and generosity for all the world to see
  • cultural bureaucrats with a minor if lucrative source of employment

He points out that understanding another culture

is a Herculean labour.

What chance

No!

No

is there for people to understand, in any but the most superficial way, the hundreds of extremely diverse cultures from which immigrants come to our shores? To understand Amhara culture in any detail is the work of a lifetime for a highly intelligent person of American or European background who is determined and motivated to do so; for one person to understand Bengali, Somali, Yemeni and Vietnamese cultures as well is impossible.

No!

No

It follows

that is it for immigrants who do us the honour of coming to our country to understand us, not for us to understand them — which is impossible in any case. It is for them to make the mental, intellectual and cultural adjustments, not us.

In special circumstances,

it is well that certain people should try to learn something of the culture of immigrants. But it is humanity that should demand it, not bureaucratic multiculturalism.

Yes: Israel Zangwill's 1908 play

Yes: Israel Zangwill’s 1908 play

For instance, it was very necessary in Dalrymple’s work as a physician in an area with many immigrants that he should understand

the situation of Muslim girls brought up in Britain and forced into unwanted, indeed repellent, marriages to a first cousin in a village in Pakistan.

But

understanding and sympathy cannot be decreed.

The answer to the problems of the multi-ethnic, multilingual society remains

the melting pot.

If we had only listened to Honeyford

Screen Shot 2015-03-09 at 22.25.58If we had done so, we should not have sown what we are reaping

Ray Honeyford, who was headmaster of a ghetto school in Bradford in the early 1980s, knew, writes Dalrymple, that

the official multiculturalist educational policies that he was expected to implement would sooner or later lead to social disaster.

When he exposed the folly of these policies,

the advocates of ‘diversity’, who maintain that all cultures are equal but that opinions other than their own are forbidden, mounted a vicious and vituperative campaign against him. He was branded a near-murderous racist and drummed out of his job.

Screen Shot 2015-03-09 at 22.26.28His ideas were

logical, sensible, and coherent. He argued that Islamic immigrants needed to be integrated fully into British society. He did not believe that the cultural identity necessary to prevent the balkanisation of our cities into warring ethnic and religious factions implied a deadening cultural or religious uniformity. On the contrary.

He

enunciated painful truths that were tangential to his central argument: for example, that Pakistan (the country of origin of most of the immigrants in his area) had been unable throughout its history to develop either democratic institutions or a culture of tolerance.

Screen Shot 2015-03-09 at 22.25.16The ghetto school, called Drummond Middle, was a

piece of high-Victorian public architecture, grand without being overbearing, and conveying implicit aesthetic and moral lessons to its pupils, however humble the homes from which they came. The collapse of the cultural confidence that had produced such a school building was soon complete: after Honeyford’s departure, the school quickly received an Urdu name and was burned down beyond repair by an arsonist.

Screen Shot 2015-03-09 at 22.26.14Honeyford brought his troubles down upon him when he published an article exposing the follies of multicultural education in the Salisbury Review. The Review’s name

hardly ever appears without the qualification that it is rabidly right-wing, implying that no intellectual engagement with the ideas expressed in it is ever necessary—only the kind of opposition appropriate to dealing with brownshirts and blackshirts.

An unremitting campaign gathered steam,

under the leadership of local politicians and pressure groups, some of which sprang up expressly to get him fired. He received death threats. A few small children learned from their parents to chant ‘Ray-cist! Ray-cist!’ at him and to hold up denunciatory placards, some with a skull and crossbones. The Bradford Education Authority considered the possibility of a court order against the demonstrators, but it decided that such an order would inflame passions. Thus political extremists learned a valuable lesson: intimidation pays.

Screen Shot 2015-03-09 at 22.25.44Honeyford was

mild-mannered and unexcitable. He was a believer in the virtues of plain speaking—formerly a tradition in the north of England. He thought that different opinions might be tolerated, not having grasped that the purpose of those who argue for cultural diversity is to impose ideological uniformity.

Screen Shot 2015-03-09 at 22.25.28He believed in the redemptive power of education and in

the duty of schools to give the children of immigrants the same educational opportunities as everyone else. His only regret about the affair was that it drastically shortened his teaching career. It is a tribute to the power of Orwellian language that a man who believed these things should successfully have been labeled a racist.

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Guide to Asiatic Birmingham

Birmingham Central Mosque, Highgate

Birmingham Central Mosque, Highgate

Former longtime resident Theodore Dalrymple answers your questions

How many Muslim Brummies are there?

In the last census, in 2011, 21.8 percent of the inhabitants of Britain’s second-largest city said that they were Muslim.

Will the figure rise?

The percentage is likely to rise because of higher birth rates among Muslims, immigration, and the departure of white Christians.

What have been the movements in and out of Brummagem?

Residents of Birmingham who identified themselves as ‘white British’ declined by 11 percent between 2001 and 2011, while the ‘white Irish’ declined by 33 percent. The proportion of Christians would have decreased further had it not been for the arrival of Eastern Europeans. The Muslim Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations increased over those ten years by 40 and 50 percent respectively.

Central Jamia Mosque Ghamkol Sharif, Small Heath

Central Jamia Mosque Ghamkol Sharif, Small Heath

Are there no-go areas?

Since ethnic and religious groups are not scattered evenly throughout Birmingham, the population in some areas is overwhelmingly Muslim. White women report being verbally abused there, as sluts ex officio, though it would not be true to say that any of the areas are truly no-go.

Where might I dine?

Spot the difference: Jamiah Masjid Mohiuddin Siddiquia, Aston. To the left is Christ Church Baptist Chapel (1865), which long ago fell into disuse. It appears to be the church hall (1888) that has been converted into the mosque, with the cross now hacked off

Spot the difference: Jamiah Masjid Mohiuddin Siddiquia, Aston. To the far left is Christ Church Baptist Chapel (1865), no longer used for worship, having been made into flats. It appears to be the red church hall (1888) that has been converted into the masjid, with the cross hacked off

One of these Muslim areas is notable for its profusion of small, cheap, and good restaurants, patronised by the rest of the population.

Do these districts resemble the banlieues?

No part of Birmingham is as cut off from the rest of the city as are some of the banlieues of Paris. Physical (if not social) mixing of populations is evident.

What is the relative educational, social and economic level of Birmingham’s Muslims, and to what extent are they prone to criminality or semi-criminality?

Before and after: at Jamiah Masjid Mohiuddin Siddiquia in Aston, someone has climbed up to the roof and hacked off the cross

Before and after: at Jamiah Masjid Mohiuddin Siddiquia in Aston, a zealous Mohammedan (whether a supple-limbed imam or a layman is unknown) has climbed up onto the roof and righteously hacked off the cross, doubtless to the cheers and cries of Allahu Akbar! of the throng below

In Britain, Muslim populations like those in Birmingham have relatively poor educational attainment and high rates of youth unemployment, crime, and imprisonment.

Hindus and Sikhs are much more successful than Muslims and than whites (who no longer have any religion) in life, are they not?

Hindus and Sikhs, present also in large numbers, have lower rates of youth unemployment than whites and much lower levels of crime than whites. The Sikhs have the second-highest average household wealth when such wealth is broken down by religious affiliation.

Place households in order of their respective wealth by religious persuasion.

Sikh households are richer than Christian ones; Muslim households are much poorer.

What do you say to the suggestion that the city government has exhibited a high degree of moral cowardice in the way it approaches the matter of the growing appeal of jihadism?

Birmingham Central Library: women-only tables

The great cringe: Birmingham Central Library provides apartheid-inspired, Muslim-women-only tables so that study of the Koran and the Hadith need not be confined to men; their wives and concubines may also gain access to the texts

Supposedly to placate Muslim sentiment, local authorities have sometimes agreed to or imposed measures worthy of an apartheid regime. For example, the Birmingham Central Library provided women-only tables, in practice for the use of Muslim women.

Who came up with the idea of Muslim-women-only tables at Birmingham Central Library?

I don’t know whether this gesture came in response to a request or was an anticipatory cringe; the argument in its favour would almost certainly have been that without such separate facilities Muslim women would not have been allowed by their males to use the library at all.

Would a demand for Christian-women-only or Hindu-women-only or Buddhist-women-only or Sikh-women-only library tables have been acceded to by the Birmingham city government?

It is unlikely that such an argument would have succeeded for any other religious or social group, and indeed it would have provoked feminist ire, in this case notably absent.

Neither seen nor heard in Birmingham

The sisters: neither seen nor heard in Birmingham

Why was it absent? Why no feminist fury in this case? Why no library-users’ sit-in? Why no demonstrations against this grotesque denial of the gender equality that it has taken so many years and effort to achieve? Why no lingerie torched in protest at Birmingham Central Library’s fostering of a collective image of submissive females who must be set apart to protect their ‘purity’? Why no occupation of the library by protesters? Why no petitions? Why no revival of the anti-apartheid movement? Why no Gender Equality Speakout and Festival in Centenary Square? Why no resolutions to reclaim the library and liberate it in the cause of equality? Why the silence?

Fear.

Wife-beating etiquette

Calling all Brummie believers: wife-beating rules

Omertà and the Muslims

Because of their high rates of consanguineous marriage, writes Dalrymple,

Muslim children have relatively high rates of serious genetic conditions, about which a kind of omertà has long prevailed, though it is not uniquely medical. In my experience, school inspectors never inquire as to why Muslim girls go missing from school for long periods, though I have known white parents prosecuted because their refractory adolescent child failed to attend school as the law required for only short periods.

Screen Shot 2015-01-22 at 22.37.55The same kind of omertà

was surely one reason for the shameful disregard shown by the police in Rotherham of the systematic sexual abuse of young white girls by Muslim men there—though whether the police were more afraid of Muslim reaction or accusations of racism in the liberal press is uncertain.

Forced marriage

is common among the Muslims, though it is difficult because of social secrecy to estimate just how common. Certainly I was able to recognize a pattern among my young Muslim female patients, down to the withholding of their passports when they returned ‘home’ to Pakistan, aged between 15 and 20, to marry their first cousin in their ‘home’ village. Resignation to their fate merged by degrees into consent; all of them knew of honour killings of young women such as themselves, which exerted the same psychological effect as lynching did on blacks in the American South.

 

British culinary barbarism

Food desertification and the supposed cheapness of industrially prepared foods is a consequence, not a cause, of [poor] food habits.

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