Category Archives: women (oppression of)

L’ogre des temps modernes

Arabe mal rasé de 13-30 ans vêtu d'un survêtement à capuche, il se promène avec un cocktail Molotov dans une main et un couteau à cran d'arrêt dans l'autre. Il fume du shit dans les cages d'ascenseur. Il brûle des voitures. Il gagne sa vie grâce à des trafics et en fraudant les allocations sociales. Sa sexualité consiste à violer les filles en bande dans des caves ; sa spiritualité, à écouter les prêches djihadistes de l'"islam-des-banlieues", dans des caves également. Il hait la France, l'ordre, et bien sûr, il déteste les Français (comprendre : "les Blancs"). Il aime le djihad et l'islamisme. Son rêve : partir en Syrie se battre aux côtés d'Al Qaïda ou de Daech, pour ensuite revenir en France commettre des attentats. Il ne serait donc pas étonnant que les parents disent bientôt à leurs enfants : "Si tu n'es pas sage, le jeune-de-banlieue viendra te chercher."

Arabe mal rasé de 13-30 ans vêtu d’un survêtement à capuche, il se promène avec un cocktail Molotov dans une main et un couteau à cran d’arrêt dans l’autre. Il fume du shit dans les cages d’ascenseur. Il brûle des voitures. Il gagne sa vie grâce à des trafics et en fraudant les allocations sociales. Sa sexualité consiste à violer les filles en bande dans des caves; sa spiritualité, à écouter les prêches djihadistes de l’islam-des-banlieues. Il hait la France, l’ordre, et il déteste les Français. Il aime le djihad et l’islamisme. Son rêve: partir en Syrie se battre aux côtés d’Al Qaïda ou de Daech, pour ensuite revenir en France commettre des attentats

Le jeune-de-banlieue

The only aspect of Mahometanism that really interests the young Muslim male of the banlieue, writes Dalrymple, is

the domination and abuse of women.

The jeune-de-banlieue cannot be said to be religious in any other sense, Dalrymple points out.

  • He does not pray
  • He does not go to the mosque
  • He certainly does not give 10% of his income to the poor

The jeune-de-banlieue might

listen to the siren song of Islamism as the supposed solution to his existential impasse, for youth is always in search of complete answers: and, as the world has seen, it takes only a relative handful of people to create mayhem.

But more than likely,

it is the justification of the oppression of women that keeps him so deeply attached to Islam. Indeed, the oppression of women is the only source of pride for him, since no other is available. At least he is king of his own castle.

Following the French press, writes Dalrymple,

it is curious how little the absence of young women on the streets of the banlieues is remarked upon. No one asks what the meaning of this absence might be.

Screen Shot 2015-12-31 at 14.25.47Screen Shot 2015-12-31 at 14.24.42

The Gramscian Islamists

Allahu akbar!

Allahu akbar!

It would be simplistic, writes Dalrymple, to ascribe the violence of Muslim fundamentalists

to Islam itself, by citing those verses from the Koran that seem to justify or even require it. Selective quotation does not explain why extremism is the province of the young, and why, for example, the first generation of Muslim immigrants to Britain (and elsewhere) were not at all attracted to it.

Even in Islamic countries, fundamentalists

are not mediæval throwbacks, however they may see themselves. They derive their ideas, even if they do not acknowledge it, at least as much from Lenin, Gramsci, and Mao as from Mohammed. They claim to want to return to seventh-century Arabia, but this is no more realistic or sincere than the wish of Victorian admirers of the Gothic to return to the Middle Ages.

Most Muslims in Britain, Dalrymple points out, are of Pakistani origin.

They were encouraged to come to Britain largely as a source of cheap labour, to prop up declining industries that had not adapted to the modern economy. But no labour in Britain could ever be cheap enough, without technological superiority, to compete successfully with labour in much poorer and cheaper countries. Originally, the idea was that the imported labour would be shipped back home if ever it became surplus to requirements. The opposite happened: each immigrant established a beachhead for others.

The immigrants

tended to congregate in certain areas, and they often met with hostility. Their children, growing up in virtual ghettoes, were neither fully of the host country nor fully of their parents’ culture. They were betwixt and between, in effect left to develop their own culture. Insofar as they encountered the hostility of the surrounding society, they developed resentments.

The Muslims were not the only immigrants to Britain.

There were Sikhs and Hindus as well, who fared much better, on the whole: their rates of unemployment are much lower than Muslims’ (indeed, lower than their white contemporaries’); they are underrepresented in prison, unlike Muslims, who are increasingly overrepresented; and they never developed any propensity to violence.

Islamism

provides a utopian and violent ideology of the kind that appeals to disgruntled young men facing all of the existential difficulties of youth. Moreover, Islamic society provides young men with another incentive for Islamism: the maintenance of the domination of women.

The British government

promoted ‘leaders’ of the Muslims, thus giving a golden opportunity to fundamentalists to establish themselves as controllers of government funds and to establish networks of patronage. Not knowing what it was doing, the British government spread Islamic fundamentalism.

Multiculturalism

has been another unwitting ally of Muslim extremism. Multiculturalism has created an informal system, like the late Ottoman empire’s millet system, in which various groups receive their privileges but are expected to live separately and distinctly from everyone else. This serves to prevent the various groups from developing any common identity and stimulates the ascent of political entrepreneurs whose power depends on the maintenance, aggravation, and inflammation of supposed grievances. Islamists are political entrepreneurs with a plausible doctrinal reason for violence. They are now able to extract from society the kind of respect that street muggers demand, and multiculturalism has become the ideological wing of sheer cowardice.

Vicious oppressors pretending to be religious persons

Screen Shot 2015-11-30 at 23.36.55In France, England and elsewhere in the West, Dalrymple explains (at c. 1:06),

the main interest that young Muslims have is in the oppression — the domination — of women. That is the sole interest in the religion.

Large numbers of Muslims are entering French, Belgian and English prisons,

overtaking all other groups. In France, 60 per cent of prisoners are Muslim.

The Mahometan prisoners

don’t pray. They don’t demand halal meat. They don’t talk to the imam. The only reason they keep Ramadan is to avoid court appearances.

They have no interest in the religion, but

just let their sister go out with somebody, and they will be out there defending her honour with machetes and guns.

On Friday and Saturday nights,

you see large numbers of Muslim men participating enthusiastically

in scenes of drunkenness and drug-addled debauchery, but

you won’t see any Muslim women.

Muslim micro-totalitarianism

Paris attacks organiser: Abdelhamid Abaaoud

Paris attacks organiser: Abdelhamid Abaaoud

Why the vicious are drawn to Islam

An interviewer asks why barbarous and cruel people look to Mohammedanism. Dalrymple explains that one of the factors is that conversion to Islam allows the depraved man

to think that he has not surrendered to the predominant society around him, against which he believes himself to have been in opposition for most of his life.

Dalrymple explains also that, apart from a love of violence and killing, a big part of the appeal of Islam for young men in Western countries is

the dominance that it gives them over women.

Micro-totalitarianism

The behaviour of the large numbers of Muslims in British prisons, Dalrymple points out,

is not that of religious persons. They are not interested in halal meat, they are not interested in praying five times a day, they are not interested in keeping Ramadan (except as a reason not to go to court), but they are very interested in preventing their sisters from going out with a boy of their own choosing.

If you go into the centres of towns with large Muslim populations,

you will see young Muslim men partaking in what I would say are generally pretty disgusting activities of popular culture, but you won’t see any women.

Islamists intimidate women into wearing the veil, for in Western societies

there is a micro-totalitarian climate. To ask people what they mean by it is very difficult; it is a bit like asking people in North Korea whether they like the government.